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History in the Making

The battle over the Sand Creek massacre just won't end.

It seemed like a good idea at the time. In May, when state senator Bob Martinez stood before the General Assembly and asked lawmakers to strike Sand Creek from a state capitol statue commemorating Colorado's Civil War battles, he was commended. After all, what happened on the banks of Big Sandy Creek on November 29, 1864, was hardly a battle.

At dawn that day, 800 cavalry troops and militiamen led by Colonel John Chivington unloaded two tons of bullets and cannonballs on the peaceful camp of Cheyenne chief Black Kettle, who had been told by military officials to settle in southeastern Colorado under protection of the U.S. flag. When the smoke cleared six hours later, at least 163 Cheyenne and Arapaho men, women and children lay dead, many mutilated, with ears, scalps and genitalia cut away as trophies and later displayed in Denver. Ten soldiers also died.

"It's an embarrassment to the citizens of Colorado to have a statue honoring the Civil War dead, and to have underneath it an inglorious massacre," says Martinez, a Democrat from Commerce City. "By including Sand Creek, other soldiers who fought honorably have been besmirched. It's an inaccurate inscription on a monument on state grounds. A mistake was made when they inserted those words and it should be corrected. Sand Creek should be removed."

His colleagues agreed, unanimously approving Martinez's resolution in the final days of the session. When the gavel sounded, the only remaining questions about the 91-year-old bronze monument were how Sand Creek would be removed and when. But this week, as lawmakers prepare to discuss the logistics of the measure, historians, Sand Creek descendants and even some legislators are saying, "Slow down."

"I can appreciate that it's not a battle, but a massacre. But if each generation erases monuments and topples them, it makes history short-sighted," says Denver historian Tom Noel. "You lose track of one generation's heroes. It seems more important to present both views, and to do it carefully."

"It's absolutely stupid to take it off," says Duane Smith, a Durango historian. "The people who put it there put it there intentionally. These people weren't devils incarnate. They felt that for the future of Colorado, Sand Creek was a tremendously important Civil War battle. The best way to remember Sand Creek is to never let bigotry, racism, intolerance and ignorance control our lives. And you're not going to learn that lesson if you say it didn't happen."

"You're dishonoring people who fought in the Civil War," adds military historian Mike Koury, whose Old Army Press published the Chivington defense, I Stand by Sand Creek. "Whether it was a massacre or not, these were soldiers. They went where they were ordered to go and did what they were ordered to do. Taking it off the statue is not going to make it disappear. You gain nothing by hiding it under a blanket."

Even Laird Cometsevah, president of a Sand Creek descendants' group, says modifying the statue is not the best way to commemorate the massacre, which was condemned by an 1865 congressional committee as a "gross and wanton outrage." After that, Territorial Governor John Evans was removed from office and the U.S. promised reparations to the Cheyenne and Arapaho. (Colonel Chivington, however, went unpunished.)

"I've never seen the statue myself, but it's my own opinion that it was placed there for a reason," Cometsevah says. "It's part of Colorado's history. You can't deny the fact that [Sand Creek] was a massacre. It seems to me that a man ought to be able to stand up and accept what he did, to live with it, and try to use the statue as a symbol for teaching young people that we don't want that to happen anymore. Colorado ought to be big enough to leave it there and try to improve its statehood. It ought to be left alone."

Martinez's measure was approved during the final rush of the legislature and caught in the scheduling grind. There wasn't time to hear extensive testimony from Cometsevah, Noel and others. Had there been, legislators might have heard a compromise offered by David Halaas, Colorado Historical Society chief historian. Halaas, a Sand Creek authority, considers Chivington's attack "a shameless act of genocide." Although he admires Martinez's effort, he, too, prefers that the monument remain intact.

If Sand Creek were erased, Halaas says, so would the names of soldiers such as Joseph Aldrich, a private from Fort Lyon who refused to participate in the slaughter. He died at Sand Creek, possibly by friendly fire. Then there's Captain Silas Soule, who also refused to fire. He testified about the atrocities before Congress and later was assassinated in Denver by Chivington supporters. Both men's names appear on the monument.

"I understand the good intentions of the resolution and applaud Senator Martinez for what he did," Halaas says. "It took courage for him to stand up. But there are various things wrong with tempering history for today's audience. Once you start monkeying with one incident, where do you stop? If you take off Sand Creek, why not Smokey Hill, where a peace chief was shot down? Or Fremont Orchard, when Colorado cavalry fired on dog soldiers who were returning horses? Those are on the statue, too. Where would it end?"

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  • Curt Neeley 01/18/2012 6:56:00 PM

    My take on the Sand Creek affair is from the viewpoint that it was a Civil War event because the Cheyenne and Arapaho and other warriors had been raiding on the Little Blue river and Plum Creek in Central Kansas Territiory in September before the Nov. 29, 1864 conflict. Substantial amounts and plunder from the raids were found in the indian villages after the fight. (Memories of a Lifetime in the Pikes Peak Region by Irving Howbert) Col. Chivington was Regular Army, not "militia". His commanding officer General Samuel Ryan Curtis ordered Chivington to "punish the indians more" and "to make no peace without my order" by telegram at the so-called Camp Weld "Peace talks" before the fight. Union casualties were 24 dead and 51 wounded, according to Greg Michno's book 'BATTLE AT SAND CREEK, The Military Perspective. Greg took his numbers from an update survey of Denver newspapers and Colorado State Archives. These numbers include the men who died after the battle wounding as well. Michno included them in his "ENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE INDIAN WARS" recounting the approximately 1400 military and indian convlicts 1840-1890. Sand Creek ranks in the top 1 percent of casualty counts including Wounded Knee and the Little Big Horn. The fight extended from from approximately 2.5 miles upstream from the high bluff where the Traditional Monument has been located since the 1950's and is now represented as the National Monument. The battle took place on the Bowen Battle Site and some 6-8 miles upstream plus 1-2 miles each side of the creed... a very large area. Most of the indians escaped north to the larger camps on the Smoky Hill headwaters. The Bowen collection of artifacts is now on exhibit at the Big Timbers Museum in Lamar. The were excavated and located by GPS and authenticated by independent Park Service archeologists before the Bowen's were scootched off their childhood ranch by Establishment powers and a family estate feud. The American Flag story appears improbable and only 3 people testified to such. The case may be that General Curtis, who at first ignored the sensationalist "Massacre" stories in eastern newspapers, became concerned that the bad press might threaten his future position as a U. S. Railroad Commissioner for the transcontinental construction. He ordered Col. Thomas Moonlight of the Kansas Cavalry to relieve Chivington and spend 90 days arranging for a military commission to investigate the Sand Creek affair. Moonlight then left to command Ft. Laramie where he performed so badly that he was expelled from the army. But he then succeeded well at politics. Much of the testimony at the military hearings was heard in secret despite Chivington's objections. Lt. Col. Tappan had been appointed president of the commission. He had been Chivingtions arch rival at the Glorieta Pass fight where Chivington prevailed 3 Texas Confederate regiments. Much of the testimony was hearsay and perjured. So was much of the testimony of the two Congressional investigations. Yes, Colorado can be very proud of it's history officials and agencies. Chivington was not Saint. Neither were the other politico's involved. The Col. Commanding the 1st Colorado Volunteers was quarrelsome Denver lawyer John Potts Slough. He was decribed as short on people skills and resigned in the face of Chivington's popularity after Glorieta Pass. He then went back east and wangled a birth as General in command of the district of Alexandriea, Virginia. But he got himself shot and killed by Colonel Rynerson of the California Column after the Civil War in the bar of the La Fonda Hotel in Santa Fe. Slough had trash-talked Rynerson badly. Rynerson pleaded innocent by self-defense and the Santa Fe jury agreed. Capt. Soule was said to have been assassinated by Chivington operatives to prevent his testimony at the earlier Denver hearings. But the story turned out that he already had testified. Current hypothesis is that his pattern of daring-do Abolitionist adventures caused him to arrest two drunken 2nd Colorado Regiment soldiers who were pistol shooting. Soule may have tried to quell the disturbance by himself rather than called out his Provost Marshall guard to handle routine disturbances. I'm wondering it Col. Moonlight had appointed Soule to the office of Provost Marshall as a pay-off to testify against Chivington about how "Bad" the massacre was. In private correspondence he had bragged that he refused to allow his soldiers to shoot indians at Sand Creek. But under oath at the hearings, he made no such a "noble" claim. Curt Neeley, native-born Colorado Springs-an American and for 17 years a Denver businessman.

 
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