lilian deserved to fucking die! who the fuck told her old ass to go fight anyways like shes hard, thats why the bitch wound up 6 feet deep...and no one gives a fuck about how nadines kids are feeling..
By Joel Warner
By Michael Roberts
By Alan Prendergast
By Michael Roberts
By Michael Roberts
By Amber Taufen
By Patricia Calhoun
By William Breathes
When she finally reached the window, Parker says, she told employees to call the police. The workers declined; one told her to "just be the bigger person and drive away," she recalls. Meanwhile, Garcia had her head out of the Cadillac's window, screaming "You stupid white bitches!" while Montoya raced the engine. Alarmed by the scene, the employees hustled to put together Parker's order and "literally threw" the bag of fast food into the car.
Parker says she pulled her car off to the side of the parking lot, and she and Goodrich jumped out to check for damage. Then the Cadillac came screeching to a stop at the rear right of the Honda. Montoya and Garcia got out, extremely agitated. "They kept screaming that we were 'stupid white bitches' over and over," Parker says. Garcia asserted that her cousin lived nearby and had a gun. "They said they were going to go get his gun and shoot us 'white bitches," she remembers.
But Parker says there was no physical contact until a man named Christopher Malek, whom Parker had met at JR's earlier in the evening and just happened to be driving by, stopped to help them. That's when Saiz got out of the Cadillac and sucker-punched Malek in the face. Verdonkschot got out of the Honda as the two men began fighting, and started yelling that they should leave. When Malek began to get the upper hand in the fight, Garcia ran up to Goodrich and grabbed her hair, pulling hard. Parker tried to help her friend while Verdonkschot kept repeating, "Let's go! Let's go! Let's go!"
Once Goodrich got free, she and Parker hurried back to the Honda. As Verdonkschot shepherded her daughter around the rear of the car, Parker heard one of the other women say, "Let's just fucking hit them." She turned her head and saw the Cadillac plow into the right rear of the Honda, then accelerate in one long left turn that seemed to follow Verdonkschot as she tried to run from the rear to the side of the Honda. Parker remembers her mother screaming as the Cadillac was coming toward them, screaming as the front and rear wheels ran over her.
But when she returned from getting the license plate, her mother was silent.
Montoya "clearly saw us standing there," says Parker. "There was plenty of room on both sides for her to drive away without even touching my car. She meant to hit us."
Montoya, who has five kids and had been attending nursing school, is currently awaiting arraignment in Denver County Jail. Her sister, Nezarie Carter, says that Montoya told her that it was Parker, Verdonkschot, Goodrich and "some guy" who attacked them, and displayed several large knots on her head the day after the incident. Carter says her sister was scared and attempting to leave the parking lot when she ran over Verdonkschot. "She was just trying to get out, and those people blocked her in," Carter says. "It was not intentional."
Carter is also skeptical that any "white bitches" comments came from her sister. "I doubt she would say that," Carter says. "She is not the kind of person who would be for a hate crime, like hurt someone just because they're black or just because they're white. That's not her."
Inspired by the assassination of Jewish talk-show host Alan Berg in 1984, Colorado passed its first laws criminalizing "ethnic intimidation" four years later. In 2005 the state legislature added sexual orientation and mental or physical disability to a list that already included race, religion and nationality, prompting a change in the statute to refer to "bias-motivated crimes."
Critics say that hate-crime legislation is redundant, since laws already exist to prosecute the actual crime regardless of motive. This is particularly true in first-degree-murder cases that carry a mandatory life sentence. Allen Andrade, who murdered transgendered teen Angie Zapata ("Who Was Angie Zapata?" May 27), was charged with a hate crime as well as first-degree murder; the murder conviction alone would have locked him up for life. In Denver's most famous hate-crime case, the 1997 slaying of African immigrant Oumar Dia at a downtown bus stop, self-proclaimed white supremacist Nathan Thill called Dia a "nigger" and asked if he was ready to die. But even without a hate-crime charge, Thill would have been sentenced to life in prison. The law did effect Thill's buddy, Jeremiah Barnum. Though he didn't pull the trigger, Barnum was convicted of ethnic intimidation and first-degree murder and sentenced to life in prison in 1999 before a judge, citing tainted testimony, ordered a new trial. (Denver appealed that decision for several years, but in 2002 agreed to a plea deal that sent Barnum away for twelve years.)
Supporters of hate-crime laws say the charge sends a message that criminal acts motivated by racism, homophobia and bigotry will not be tolerated. Even if the victim is white.
"Hate-crimes laws apply to every single person in this country," says Joyce Rubin of the Anti-Defamation League's regional office. "It shouldn't make a difference if I'm walking down a dark alley and I'm jumped because I'm black, white, gay, Muslim, Christian or whatever. The same rules ought to apply." According to FBI statistics compiled by the ADL, there were 13,804 "anti-white" hate crimes committed in the U.S. between 1991 and 2004. And while this pales beside the 38,727 "anti-black" hate crimes reported in the same period, crimes against Caucasians still account for about 13 percent of all hate crimes each year.